David Eddington
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چکیده
ion representations such as differing prosodic templates (Crowhurst 1992, Prieto 1992) and constraint reranking (Colina 2003) have been proposed to account for these differences, as have different morphological parses (Bermúdez-Otero 2007). There are however, some concrete characteristics that are related to the dialectal differences such as whether the stem contains the diphthongs [je] and [we] (Prieto 1992). In these cases, some varieties prefer the -ecito/a allomorph and others -ito/a in these cases (e.g., pueblecito/pueblito, 'small town', tienda > tiendecita/tiendita, 'small store'). Other cases escape the broad generalizations in Table 1 because the internal morphological structure of the word may need to be taken into consideration. A case in point are corona and llorona ‘crown, crying woman’, both of which are feminine and end in -a. The diminutive forms, however, are quite different (lloroncita, coronita). A Google search reveals that lloronita is not unknown, but is about ten times less frequent than lloroncita. Harris (1994) argues that the differing morphological structure of the words is responsible for the different diminutive forms: coron+a and llor+on+a, while Colina (2003) attributes the difference to each belonging to a distinct morphological class. Another possibility is that lloroncita is based on the masculine form lloroncito rather than on llorona. Morphology has also been attributed a part in the creation of the diminutive form of words that end in -s, but are not plurals (e.g., lejos 'far,' Carlos 'Charles,' garrapatas 'tick'). Only 50% of these in the database are formed by adding -ito/a to the word (e.g., adiós > adiosito 'goodbye,' Jesús > Jesusito 'Jesus'). Others appear to have an infixed 2 Thanks to J.I. Hualde for this insight.
منابع مشابه
Negative prestige and sound change : A sociolinguistic study of the assibilation of / ʁ / in Piripiri Portuguese
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